This panel explores some core questions such as why we should make policy interventions for prevention of domestic violence and for helping victims and victimizers, and how policies and strategies can be developed for better securing a safe life free from fear or threat of domestic/interpersonal violence. The developments and challenges of social policy and practices are an integral part of a new safer civil society in Pacific Asia.

Domestic violence occurs in the private life sphere, typically involving family and couple relationships with high intimacy. Distinctive features of DV are characterized by the diverse ways of manifestation of violence, all of them being very harmful in terms of physical, economic and/or mental damage to victims. Grave consequences of DV have already been reported globally as well as locally. However, ideological grounds, policies and strategies for coping with DV problems have not been fully explored in any society. The social makings of domestic violence are deeply rooted in the gender imbalance of power and control, and therefore the essence of domestic violence is not to be reduced into psychological or addiction problems of individual citizens. Instead, better understanding is to be broadly shared on the hierarchical values that shape patterns to one's ways of thinking and behaving in intimate relationships with others. Putting the genie of DV to bottle is the first step of freeing huge potential and emancipating people and therefore bringing the dawn of radically new human relationships and civil society.

In East Asian societies, except for Hong Kong, the laws for prevention of domestic violence came into force from the end of the twentieth century to the beginning of the twenty-first century. It implies relatively late and slow policy developments for preventing domestic violence in the light of international comparison. One of the common features among South Korean, Taiwanese and Japanese societies is that gender politics has been developing through the competitions between gender-mainstreaming direction in anti-DV policies and the patriarchal social and cultural factors. The gender-mainstreaming has being manifested in the forms of approach to and inclusion of global standards. This research discusses the policy developments in regards to prevention of domestic violence in Japan from difficulties as well as factors in making policy agenda of domestic violence. It will be argued that the anti-DV policy in Japan is functioning of maintaining the social order linked to gender inequalities and of revaluing marriage institution, rather than prompting changes in the gender hierarchy. Moreover, in this paper special attention will be drawn to the point that the policies for preventing domestic violence have been developed within the framework of the Japanese gender equality policy in which liberal feminism and the structural reforms have been combined, as pointed by Mari Osawa. In this connection, it will be explored what is implicated by the growing pressure over anti-DV social policies of the gender-bashing movements whose voices have been heard since the late 1990s in Japan. Finally, it will be discussed which alternatives are available as policy strategies for making differences in Japanese gender relations and for seeking such anti-DV policies that best advocate DV victims.

This paper aims to assess the conflicts and transformation that have appeared on the level of ideology by focusing on the location of intimacy in social policy discourse and on relations between gender and sexualities. Even the new social risk discourse that underlines the significance of balancing work and family does not straightforwardly refers to risks in the private sphere, leaving intimate violence risks unquestioned. The discussion will be started by examining the limits of mainstream approaches such as economic approach in considering social policy response to domestic violence. It will be explored why any policy response and prevention should (or should not) be made to the violence in private life sphere, how the intersectionality can be applied to policy debates concerning domestic violence in Japanese and other societies in East Asia. Whereas it is significant to mainstream gender perspectives in social policy, sexuality and ethnicity tend to be left outside the scope of gender-focused policy against domestic violence. As a consequence, anti-DV social policy may fail to be help and remedies for DV problems in minority communities. It will be argued that by incorporating the concept of intersectionality into policy debates the current anti-DV social policy will become more inclusive and useful for citizens with diverse variety of identities.

Full paper download: Takahashi M_intimate partner violence.pdf

Domestic violence is essentially evil - evil in the sense of Nicomachean Ethics that it is not the excess or deficiency where the evil dies. In the case of essential evils the case does not depend on the circumstances; one is always wrong (1107a). As there is no justification for domestic violence why is it so difficult to root it out and how to analyse that evil? Domestic violence involves intimate human relationships with a great variety of power relationships involved that often are also part of wider social networks making easy classifications of public and private or domestic and social not applicable or misleading. As an issue of great social and human significance the DV should be seen as a key political and social issue requiring efficient protection for the victims and maintaining/improving ethical standards of the society. Human rights always are a concern of the whole society and the DV cases should never be seen as "private incidents". However, for the individual also in this evil "the noblest kind of retribution is not to become like your enemy (Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, VI 6)". Humans have a capability of understanding evil, whether through their personal experience or learning from others and this understanding opens possibilities to create a world without DV. This paper analyses the evil of domestic violence and how the political science can help to understand the power relationships involved and how to change these power relationships toward emancipatory ones that are built on social justice, equality and human dignity.

Full paper download: Mervio M_domestic violence and power relationships.pdf

This paper is oriented to explore how the DV policy and programs primarily respondent to the women might lead to the impression that DV law is a women-centered law and more like a gender exclusive law (exclude man rather than women). In fact, to reduce the DV occurrence and generation continuum, how DV law can be shaped as it be gender inclusive rather than gender exclusive? Can it be taken as a law more preventive, protective and prosecuted model (three ps' model) ? Taiwan experience will be taken as the focus of study.

The empirical data indicates that there is highly gender difference in the need of DV protection programs since the sufferings from the intimate violence are different in terms of typology of violence. In other words, the fact is that occurrence rate among men and women and the seriousness among gender intimate violence is gender asymmetrical rather than symmetrical. However, do current the programs and policy really serves for the needy women? Or can the program be effective without the strong sense" gender inclusive" built in the law and programs? In reality, the policy is harm to women or protective to women? How can be examined? P-P-P-S model ("problem defining →policy formation →program design → service delivery system model") will be utilized as a framework for analysis and discussion.

Although engendering perspective policy will be suggested, the paper recommends that to develop a more proactive and gender-neutral policy is the cue to face DV events in Asia society in the new age. The study will also suggest that to mover DV policy from gender exclusive to gender inclusive should be the needy way for Asia in particular.

In 2004, a tragedy happened in Tin Shui Wai1 had attracted many criticism on the police attitudes towards abused women and procedures in handling domestic violence cases. In the family tragedy, a new immigrant woman Ms. Kam and her two daughters were killed by her husband. It was suggested that women being silence has accelerate men's violence towards them. However, the most striking story about Ms. Kam is that she had sought help from the police prior to the tragedy. On the day Ms. Kam was killed, she had reported to the police that she was in danger, however, the duty officer in the police station just turned her away without taking any action to protect her. Even worse, no record was found in police file. Why the police did not treat the case seriously to take further actions such as sending the woman to a refuge centre for her safety, give warning or even arresting the perpetrator? Was it because the police had doubt on the victim's credibility? Or was it because the belief of deserving or undeserving victims that the police uphold in handling the case? What is a 'truth' and what is a 'lie'? Who is trustworthy or whose words are more convincing? These are the issues of belief and credibility. Credibility is socially constructed and is historically and culturally specific. This paper is based on the findings of a research study conducted between 2006 and 2008, aims to develop a dynamic understanding of women's experiences in reporting to the police, particularly on being abused by their husbands or partners, from survivors' perspectives. The study involved the interviewing of 20 women who were abused by their husband or partner, of those 14 of them had the experiences of reporting abuse to the police. In order to obtain a comprehensive view on the issue, in-depth interviews have been conducted for two polices, one male and one female, to explore why police express doubt on women who make abuse complaints. This paper also aims to discuss on how to improve the police response to domestic violence in the future.

The economic reform started in the late 1970s has significantly transformed the economy and society in China. After more than three decades of economic reforms, people living in the coastal areas or in major Chinese cities have enjoyed very high living standard. Nonetheless, the same process of economic restructuring has also resulted in intensified social inequality and income disparity in Mainland China. In view of the growing regional disparity and widening gap between the rich and the poor, the idea of harmonious society was introduced as China's millennium policy goal in the context of intensified social conflicts and the rise of various kinds of social problems. Since 2004, public policy in China has begun to experience significant transformation from primarily taking an economic policy orientation to a social policy orientation. Realizing adverse social consequences resulting from the rapid economic growth might lead to social instability and political turmoil, the Chinese government has made attempts to reverse the tide of excessive marketization of social policy and social welfare in order to address people's changing social needs and welfare demands. This paper sets out in the above policy context to examine how the Chinese government has tried to transform its social policy model by bridging the gap between public finance and social policy delivery. This article argues that China's public expenditure should be correspondingly restructured, particularly allocating more public resources to social policy areas such as education, healthcare and social security. Without reforming public finance arrangements in China, the promotion of the harmonious society would end in empty slogan. More specifically, this paper argues the necessity to restructure China's public expenditure in order to turn the recent paradigm shift towards a more 'people-oriented' social policy and welfare approach into reality to address rapid socio-economic changes in China.

Full paper download: Mok K_gap between public finance and social policy.pdf

Taiwan became an aging society in 1993. However, the aging rates will be rapidly increasing due to low fertility rates and aging of baby boomers in the near future. Near 40 percent of population will be over 65 years old in 2050 in Taiwan by projection. This paper discussed the trend of population aging in Taiwan and the changes in the living arrangement of the elderly. By using Surveys of Family Income and Expenditure (SFIE) data, we examined not only the living arrangement of the elderly in the recent two decades, but the economic situations of these families. The findings revealed that the government had increased the amount of transfer in recent years, even though the poverty rates of the elderly remained relatively high. We would like to call the attention of the changes in living arrangement as one of the substantial factors that affected the economic security of the elderly.

Full paper download: Hsueh J_living arrangement and well-being.pdf

Over the past decade, Taiwan has witnessed a rapid increase in its population of newly-impoverished individuals. Driving this increase is the economic restructuring accompanying globalization. Moreover, the characteristics of the new poor are quite different from those of the "old poor." The new poor are mainly middle-aged, primary bread-winners in their families with dependants at home. Most are able and hope to work, but suffer from job instability and/or the ability to find any re-employment. The majority of the new poor are not adequately helped by Taiwan's current social welfare programs. If the government does not intervene timely to create a stronger safety net for the new poor, their families may very well become caught in a long-term poverty trap. Using 1997-2007 Family Income and Expenditure Survey Data, this study aims to investigate the developing trend of the new poor. In addition, this research will investigate the characteristics, the economic status, and the transfers received by the new poor. Implications for future policy development will be discussed.

This study investigates how the income inequality of the elderly changes and what factors affect these changes during the past 20 years in Korea. Most previous researches showed that income inequality is large among the elderly compared to the workers. However, most studies regarding inequality issue focused on the income distribution of the whole population. Thus, little is known about how the distribution of income changes as an individual is getting old and which factors cause these changes.

The Data used for this study are the Household Survey in 1986, 1996, 1998, and 2006. The sample includes the heads of households with more than 2 persons in the urban area. The degree of inequality is measured by the Gini coefficient which ranges from 0 to 1. The impact of the independent variables, such as age, education level, working status and job type, on the inequality changes during the past twenty years is calculated by the method of Fields and Yoo(1998), which decompose the variance of log income into the regression coefficients and covariance between independent variables and dependent variable. The result will be organized in three sections. The first section describes the trend of the income inequality of the elderly to show whether it is an increasing or decreasing pattern. The second section analyzes the impact of each income component on the overall income inequality. The third section investigates which factor is more influential on the inequality change. This study will have implications for enacting or remedying social welfare policies to lessen the income inequality of the elderly.

Full paper download: Hong B_factors affecting income inequality.pdf

All industrialised countries have social assistance and provide a minimum income on the basis of a test of means for people below a certain poverty line. This paper compares the social assistance packages in Korea, Japan and seven European countries in 2001 in order to review the structure and level of social assistance paid. It examines how the value of means-tested social assistance benefits varies by family type and earnings level, using the model family method. Compared with other countries, the overall level of the social assistance package in Korea is lowest together with Germany and Portugal, and it is highest in Sweden and Ireland. With regard to the implied equivalence scales, Korea with Portugal and Japan is relatively the most generous to lone parent and couples with children. But that does not mean Korea is the most generous in equivalent cash terms. It is just that Korea's social assistance scales are internally more generous to families with children. In fact, the benefit levels are the least generous among the countries considered. Some suggestions are made for reforming the social assistance benefit in Korea.

Full paper download: Jung I_social assistance packages.pdf

Empirical studies on income distribution and poverty have indicated that the public transfer system has been successful in terms of poverty and inequality reduction in welfare states. However, very little attention has been paid to private transfers in this analysis. Recently, while there has been an increasing interest in the unique features of East Asian welfare states/regimes, many scholars have begun to have an interest in the role of the family in their welfare mix. This article aims to widen the scope of comparative income studies, firstly by analyzing 12 Western welfare states and two newly emerging East Asian welfare states, i.e. South Korea and Taiwan, and secondly, by comparing the poverty and inequality reduction effects of private transfers with those of public transfers. The Luxemburg Income Study (LIS) dataset is used for the analysis. The empirical results indicate that private transfers are much more effective than public transfers in terms of income inequality and poverty reduction effects in both South Korea and Taiwan, in contrast to western counterparts including three Southern European countries. Finally, based on the results, we propose further research questions.

Full paper download: Kim J_private transfers and welfare states.pdf

Human security is an emerging concept for understanding global vulnerabilities and advocating human justice. This concept addresses individual security and a people-centered view and thus challenges the traditional concept of national security focusing on the states. This study attempts 1) to examine the background of human security concept, 2) to identify the issues of the human security approach in ODA framework through examining the assistance to fragile states which fail to protect the basic security of people, and 3) to discuss the reassessment of ODA policy from human security perspective.

The approaches to "Human Security" are mainly classified into two ways. 1) Advocating a comprehensive approach to get over threats of people through sustainable human development. This is the so called broader approach. 2) Advocating conflict resolutions and peace-buildings associated with armed interventions. This is the so called narrow approach. Unfortunately neither approach has been paying proper attention to gender concerns, and thus the classification is not so applicable to practical cases. Women are often the worst victims of violence on state, community or household levels such as wars, religious conflicts and domestic violence. Women are also threatened by unequal access to food, resources, education, and so on. In this sense, insuring freedom from want for all persons through effective and gender-responsive ODA would be more functional for people-centered stability than armed interventions.

At the same time since national interests and political concerns are unavoidably embedded in the ODA, it could often makes the "human security" concept distorted. From the human security perspective, the assistance to "fragile states" is necessary; however the ODA should be deliberately designed from the political perspective. This is the dilemma of "human security" and "fragile states" in ODA policy.

The ODA policy is dealt with as collateral with diplomatic policy rather than the social policy which requires more comprehensive approach and policy coherences. The ODA policy is required to be more integrated to social policy, and considered as/in the connection with domestic issues. p>Full paper download: Takamatsu K_ODA Policy Reform.pdf

From a liberal standpoint, Hong Kong's welfare model is often seen as an embarrassment. On the other hand, conservatives hail it as a vindication of Hong Kong's free market system. Little consensus is reached on what the model actually is, the features that are unique to itself and what functions it fulfills in society. The paper is an

attempt to delve into these issues. It is argued that after 60 years of trial and error, Hong Kong has developed its special welfare approach that does not resemble the so-called residual paradigm nor the East Asian Welfare Model. The extant system represents a complex mix of residualist strands as well as priciples of universalism and

social equity. Under this system, the distributional effects vary across social classes. By the standards of advanced welfare states, the welfare system is lean but not too mean. In the delivery of welfare, both civil society and the state play important roles. A surprising discovery is that the state plays a bigger role than is commonly conceded. It is also found that the system exhibits considerable stability and effectivess, which can be attributed to broadly distributed benefits that cut across class lines. Nevertheless

the system faces key challenges that demand incremental improvements as well as new answers to emerging problems.

Full paper download: Wong L_Hong Kong Welfare Model.pdf

Social cohesion and social harmony are important social agenda in both the Mainland China and Hong Kong in recent years. In China, the Civil Affairs Bureau is charged with the responsibility to promote social cohesion and social harmony in the midst of rapid economic expansion and rising disparity of wealth. In Hong Kong, both the present and the former Chief Executive of the Special Administrative Region used social cohesion and social harmony as a moral campaign to promote social stability. Based on a survey conducted by the authors in Hong Kong and Guangzhou, the authors compared the perceived social cohesion (Bollen, 1984) in the two cities and discuss critically the social implications behind the findings.

2127 respondents returned the questionnaire and 87.7% are considered valid cases for analyses. The Guangzhou respondents scored higher than Hong Kong respondents in all items. The overall average score is 76.78 and 65.47 in Guangzhou and Hong Kong respectively (t=11.135, df=1, p<.001). Besides, women, irrespective of city, also had a significantly stronger sense of cohesion in the community than men in all items except in the item regarding their own district as one of the best districts.

Although social policy in China has been moving from centralized state provisions to a mixed economy of welfare (such as in elderly care and social protection), there remains a relatively stronger state role in social care. In Hong Kong, although the SAR administration put forward the policy objective of progressive development, in which social harmony is developed as a main component, social policy has continued to promote personal responsibilities and social welfare has continued to be punitive. The authors argue that in both cities social cohesion cannot be treated just as a moral and political campaign, but has to be anchored in social policy based on citizenship if social cohesion is to be realized.

Full paper download: Chan S_one country two cities.pdf

This paper outlines existing and emerging forms of social, political, and economic organization in Hong Kong SAR, Mainland China and Korea. Global processes have generated substantial economic growth and intensified international competition. At the same time increasing inequality is also evident, together with shifting patterns of household formation and changes in the age-mix of population. Also increasingly evident is a more complex pattern of welfare pluralism and a redefinition of the roles of the state and civil society. There has been a reconfirmation of the importance of personal and community relationships and governance, and active membership, together with the proliferation of scales, channels and networks through which social interaction and social well-being can be pursued. This paper considers the implications of these developments for the meaning and content of social citizenship and quality of life, particularly at the intersection of gender and ethnicity.

The first section of the paper engages with conceptual debates and discourses around the contested terms governance and citizenship. It also considers various approaches to understanding and measuring quality of life. The remainder of the paper goes on to apply the analytical framework in a comparative East Asian context. p>Full paper download: Kennett P_governance and social citizenship.pdf

Whether or not high levels of welfare spending harms economic performance has long been at the centre of debate within the welfare state development literature both at a theoretical and empirical level. Without reaching an agreement, the emergence of the welfare state in East Asia with low levels of social spending and high economic growth rates has led some commentators to argue that the countries in the region provide a unique model of welfare arrangements, one of the most convincing arguments, to date, has been the East Asian Productivist Welfare Regime. Key to this thesis is the logic that the institutional origin of the East Asian NICs was based a growth-oriented developmental state and the subordinate nature of social policy to economic policy. It therefore rules out the possibility that social policy development may move beyond the functional imperatives confined by economic policy. As a subset of this key theoretical position, its advocates also put forward the argument that it is this productivist welfare regime that makes the East Asian newly emerged welfare states unique. In other words, it presupposes that other advanced welfare states are not productivists in their nature because, by definition, productivist world of welfare capitalism is the polar opposite of the social democratic world in that social policy is privileged in the latter while it is strictly subordinate to the overriding policy objective of economic growth in the former. This paper challenges this view and argues that the passage of time is pushing the countries in the region towards what appears to be prototypical protective welfare states. The post-financial crisis period of 1997 has provided a unique opportunity for these countries to develop their social policy provisions beyond functional imperatives of economic growth although there still remains a wide range of variations between different countries.

Depression is a significant indicator that measures the quality of life in old age. Despite the high rates of depression in old age and the fatal consequences of such symptoms such as increased morbidity and mortality, less than a quarter of these older adults with depressive symptoms are treated in western societies. Problems with recognition, diagnosis, and intervention are attributed to such low rates of care. In the East Asian culture where mental health problems are more likely to be presented in a somatic form, symptoms of depression in older adults can be easily dismissed; mental health beliefs, attitudes, and stigma can also become a barrier to acknowledging and seeking help for depression. The purpose of this study was to investigate older adults in Korea, their ability to recognize the symptoms of depression, and the factors that influence their attitudes toward seeking out mental health services for their depression. One hundred patients who were 65 years old and older were recruited for a survey interview at non-psychiatric outpatient clinics at three urban general hospitals. They were asked questions about: 1) the nature of the problems presented in a case vignette, which portrayed symptoms of depression, 2) preferred choices of service providers and methods for treating such problems, both traditional and western, and 3) their attitudes toward mental health services in general. Afterwards, a preliminary data analysis was conducted, and strategies for increasing recognition of geriatric depression and reducing barriers to seeking services among older Korean adults were discussed.

Mental health literacy is one approach to mental health prevention that has gained increasing attention during the last decade. Mental health literacy includes: 1) one's ability to recognize symptoms of major mental health problems, 2) one's ability obtain information/knowledge of self-care and professional treatment, and 3) her/his attitudes and beliefs that facilitate the use of mental health services. This is particularly important in young adults. It is frequently cited that during this stage of life there is an onset of major mental health problems, such as schizophrenia and depression. The purpose of this study is to investigate the ability of Korean young adults to recognize symptoms of depression and to examine how gender affects their ability to recognize such symptoms and form help-seeking behaviors. Two hundred students were recruited for a survey on two college campuses in Seoul metropolitan area. They were administered a self-reported questionnaire that features two case vignettes of depression for which they were asked to identify the nature of the problems, beliefs about psychological disorder (BPD), attitudes toward mental health services (ATMHS), and sources of help. Descriptive statistics and regression analysis were conducted to examine gender differences in the levels of depression literacy and help-seeking behaviors. Implications for gender-specific strategies for recognition of and intervention to depression on Korean college campuses were discussed.

This paper focuses on how urban mental health support systems help women to successfully negotiate their mental distress and promote their mental well-being. Socio-cultural issues impact on women's mental distress, particularly in East Asian countries where 'traditional' gender roles are valued. However, while a great deal of effort has been made by both the Japanese government and medical professionals, treatment largely follows the biomedical model and socio-cultural perspectives, particularly for middle-aged women, have been largely neglected. Currently in Japan, medical, psychological and alternative mental health supports are available; however, many women are sceptical about their value, the main reason being that both internalised and external barriers exist against help-seeking. Investigating these barriers is therefore the key to understanding women's experience of accessing appropriate mental health support. This paper presents the voices of both women and mental health professionals to investigate how women's well-being can be promoted by current mental health services using the principles of gender-sensitive support. It identifies that barriers exist towards women accessing the present mental health support system. First, women are anxious about psychiatric drug treatment and are afraid of becoming stigmatised by being a psychiatric patient. They are worried about the 'medicalisation of their unhappiness' Second, non-clinical support is kept at a distance because it is difficult to choose reliable and appropriate support. Third, women tend to privatise their mental distress, especially if this is cause by family matters, since according to Japanese beliefs and cultural norms, women are responsible for the family's welfare.

Full paper download: Kamozawa_S_gender_and_mental_health.pdf

The purpose of this study is to explore the effects on the depression and suicide of patients with HIV/AIDS. The sampling is non-random. The study will expect to detect the effects on the depression and suicide of HIV/AIDS patients.

The study approach was quantitative. The 313 respondents were HIV/AIDS patients in one of medical center hospital from 2000 to 2006 in Taiwan. The study questionnaires were Basic questionnaire and Beck Depression Inventory (BDI). The practice analysis expected to study the effect and reasons for depression and suicide of the HIV/AIDS patients.

79.6% HIV/AIDS patients had depression. 67.1% of cases attempted suicide when they knew they had HIV/AIDS. Sex, marriage, education, occupation, sex behavior, religion, membership support groups, taking AIDS medicine, self-health, depression, and time suffering from HIV/AIDS all had a significant effect on attempt suicide. The clinical survey found the education, occupation, sex behavior, membership support groups. AIDS medicine (HAART), attempted suicide, and time suffering from HIV/AIDS all had a significant effect on depression.

In conclusion, the study found depression had a significant effect on attempted suicide. And HIV/AIDS patients of less than five years had significantly higher depression and attempted suicide. The HIV/AIDS patients who had joined support groups could significantly reduce their depression and attempted suicide. The support groups were effective in reducing melancholy of terminally and new AIDS patients. This study, recommends the provision of support group to clinical treatments, and community social work in AIDS patients' clinical services.

The aim of this study was to investigate the role of mental health as a risk factor in the retainment of individuals who are participating in the Self-Sufficiency Program (SSP), one of South Korea's workfare programs. The data from personal interviews with SSP participants were used: The interviewees were recruited from 12 SSP agencies, and were asked questions about their demographics, economic situation, job-related experiences, general health, mental health, and family care burdens. The Cox regression analysis model was used to examine the effects of psychiatric impairment on the likelihood of participants' leaving the program for negative reasons. The analysis revealed that those with poor mental health were twice as likely as those without such conditions to leave the SSP for negative reasons, when controlling for other factors. Recommendations for mental health screening, and service provision, referral and monitoring were discussed for further development of the SSP.

This presentation aims to classify 20 welfare states during the periods from 1995 to 2003, based on the social investment strategies, and examines the effects of social investment strategies on the various employment and income distribution related indicators. Social investment strategies are operationalized by the public expenditures of each active labor market policy and family welfare services, and dependent variables are measured by employment rate, women's employment rate, unemployment rate, and gini coefficient. The Fuller-Battese model, an analysis method for the pooled cross-sectional time-series data, is adopted to identify variables predicting changes in dependent variables. As a result of the cluster analysis, welfare states are classified by 4 groups such as the Social Investment States (Sweden, Denmark), the ALMP centered States (Germany, Netherlands), the Family Service centered States (UK, Luxembourg, Australia), and the Liberal Welfare States (US, Japan, Korea). An interaction effect between social investment strategies and income support programs is also founded in expanding employment rate and in reducing unemployment rate. Therefore, the Korean government should maximize its public spending on social investment strategies, such as ALMP and children & women-friendly social policies to improve each citizen's human capital and employability. At the same time, public spending on income support programs should be expanded as well.